Gun-Grabbing Sweepstakes Continues on Capitol Hill with the Reintroduction of the Long-Dead “Assault Weapons” Ban
The gun-grabbing sweepstakes continue on Capitol Hill with the reintroduction of the long-dead “Assault Weapons” ban.
Are these longshot legislative offerings a smokescreen for a handful of more serious reforms, or is a true ‘gunpocalypse’ soon upon us? Let’s take a closer look.
House Democrats were successful a week ago in passing two gun control bills: one to close the so-called “gun show loophole” and another to give federal agents 10 additional days to vet buyers of certain firearms.
With a Senate divided 50-50 between Democrats and gun control-averse Republicans — and 60 votes being the current threshold to pass without the possibility of a filibuster — it is unlikely either bill will pass the upper chamber.
But that has not stopped the House from considering a wide variety of more aggressive gun regulation bills, the latest of which is U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein‘s (D-Calif.) and U.S. Rep. David Cicilline‘s (D-R.I.) revival of the long-buried Assault Weapons Ban bill.
“It’s been 17 years since the original Assault Weapons Ban expired, and the plague of gun violence continues to grow in this country,” Feinstein said in a press release. “To be clear, this bill saves lives. When it was in place from 1994-2004, gun massacres declined by 37 percent compared with the decade before. After the ban expired, the number of massacres rose by 183 percent. We’re now seeing a rise in domestic terrorism, and military-style assault weapons are increasingly becoming the guns of choice for these dangerous groups.”
The original “assault weapons” ban infamously regulated the sale, transfer, manufacture, and importation of “military-style” firearms and high-capacity magazines. The new legislation specifically names 205 types of firearms, such as AR-15s and AK-47s, while exempting around 2,200 models designed for hunting and sporting purposes.
Feinstein’s and Cicilline’s bill allows for previously purchased “assault weapons” to be kept, but they must be stored in a “secure gun storage or safety device.”
Also making an appearance is a ban on “bump stocks,” which has been a political football for Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives regulators.
In addition, the bill attempts to forbid the sale of any firearm with “military characteristics” such as a pistol grip, a forward grip, a barrel shroud, a threaded barrel, or a folding or telescoping stock.
The bill, to be designated House Resolution 8, had 34 Senate cosponsors at the time of writing, all of whom are Democrats. At least 14 Senate Democrats have yet to sign on. Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-Calif.) said he would take the bill up on the Senate floor.
ANALYSIS
A final comment in Feinstein’s press release sheds some light on the strategy behind this longshot of an attempt to resurrect the Assault Weapons Ban:
“I’m hopeful that with the new administration and Democratic control of the Senate, we can finally pass commonsense gun reforms to remove these deadly weapons from our communities.”
“Commonsense gun reforms.” Plural.
Like this proposed “assault weapons” ban, many gun control bills being proposed this year are wish lists with no chance of actual passage. Yet the House has a rare moment with a large Democratic majority and a gun control-receptive White House to test the waters for future legislation and flex their muscles before key constituencies.
These bills may also serve as a cover for more realistic legislative goals, such as the aforementioned gun show loophole and background check bills now languishing in the Senate. The more outrage generated by the bills with little-to-no chance of passage, the thought goes, the more distracted gun rights advocates will be on the items that actually do stand a chance.
Feinstein and fellow Senators have made frequent spoken and written references to “domestic terrorism” in selling the renewed Assault Weapons ban, which is perhaps a sales pitch to Congressional colleagues who have left a security fence intact around the U.S. Capitol following the Jan. 6 demonstrations.
Schumer took what appeared to be a swipe at social conservatives across the aisle: “No more hopes and prayers, thoughts and prayers. A vote is what we need, a vote, not thoughts and prayers,” he said.
If the Assault Weapons Ban of 2021 were to stand any chance of passage, Schumer and Feinstein would be presenting it in a more conciliatory light to attract the necessary Republican support — such as was done with the gun show loophole bill when it was even titled as being “bipartisan.” In the case of the new Assault Weapons ban, it appears little more than a political ramrod to push other goals.
Andy Hogue is a longtime veteran of legislative politics and journalism. He makes frequent appearances on television and radio shows in the Austin area, his writing has appeared in numerous national and international media outlets. He has served as speechwriter for two state officials, publicity director for several projects at The Alamo, and was constituent services director for one of the last conservative Austin City Councilmen. For fun he likes to unload 13 rounds from his Browning Hi-Power.
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